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Rachel Reeves has handled the upcoming spending review comparable to a unwilling swimmer edging into freezing water, endeavoring to ease the hardship through step-by-step entry.
The chancellor commenced addressing the problem of limited funds near the end of summer. Initially, she refused to uphold former insistence that revenue hikes in the prior year's budget would be the final ones.
Then, earlier this month, she took a more significant stride into the icy waves. Her address vowed to "implement needed measures" to fund public services and maintain borrowing costs under control.
Within 10 days, the Treasury had withdrawn the implication. The campaign pledge still stood after all. Like every cold-water bather knows, this aborted plunge and shivering withdrawal is the least effective of all methods. No tactic extends the discomfort like indecision.
It can be hard to be decisive when choosing between degrees of internally generated damage.
Hope has not been a successful tactic for the administration. Fundamental of the prime minister's political platform was the vain expectation of somehow satisfying voters' demand for improved state services without undoing billions of pounds of Conservative revenue decreases.
At no point has both the prime minister or the chancellor successfully communicated a sense of national purpose to justify all this hardship. In part that is a issue of personality appeal. Both leaders are strikingly similar in their ineffective messaging, wooden and reserved in a way that drives audiences back instead of drawing them closer.
In the same way that electoral expectations to fund state services has forced the exchequer to acknowledge that levies must rise, the financial necessity of improving prosperity makes it ever harder to overlook the expense of detachment from the European single market.
The government devoted a twelve months dabbling in the initial phase of realignment with the European Union: plans to end import controls on food items; a young people's exchange program. Aspiration went a bit deeper on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but no major deals has so far been agreed.
Without definite guidance and momentum from Downing Street, negotiations are stuck. Brussels authorities says single-market privileges are unlocked with contributions to the continental treasury. UK ministers are aware that's the arrangement. That doesn't cause them enthusiastic for a visible argument and political opponents howling betrayal over the eventual amount ends up being paid.
Economic reality has caused some adjustment in the administration's tone on the continental partnership. Reeves has begun naming EU withdrawal alongside the Covid pandemic as a cause of commercial injury that the finance ministry is toiling to address. Other ministers have done the same, although they carefully attribute the fault to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The challenge of the nation's long-term partnership with the European Union can't be simplified to administrative modifications and border mechanisms when the global political landscape is in constant change. In light of everything that has occurred since 2016, it feels reasonable still to be asking the fundamental issue: were the UK's priorities advanced by departing the EU?
These constitute cold, uncomfortable facts about the nation's position in uncertain world affairs. It is not surprising that both leaders shy away from the responsibility. It would take them outside their comfort zone, into forces that they cannot swim against. So as an alternative they carry on apprehensively walking the coastline, wishing that perhaps shortly the circumstances will change.
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